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THE HARTFORD COURANT

Battle For Battered Paradise Bombing Range; Feud Reignites Puerto Rican Sovereignty Debate, Boosting Independence Campaign

by Edmund Mahony

March 5, 2000
Copyright © 2000 THE HARTFORD COURANT. All Rights Reserved.

The sea grape behind newly renamed Playa Gilberto Concepcion de Garcia is struggling back and, from offshore, it appears the dry and dun-colored soil is slowly turning green. New grasses are starting to hide thousands of bomblets and shells that litter the military target range on this island's east end.

It was not so 10 months ago, when on April 19, a misdirected bomb from a U.S. Navy jet on a training run killed David Sanes Rodriguez, a young Viequense security guard manning a hilltop observation post. His bunker was obliterated.

In no time, dozens of anti-Navy protesters and supporters of Puerto Rican independence -- some from as far away as Europe and the mainland -- converged on this tiny, sparsely populated island 8 miles east of the main Puerto Rican island. They offered themselves up as human shields against the tons of explosives the U.S. Navy has been dropping and firing during training maneuvers since World War II. So far, they have been successful.

"It was much different 10 months ago," said Victor Garcia Inocencia, a representative in Puerto Rico 's Legislative Assembly and a member of the Puerto Rican Independence Party. He was pounding his way across the Caribbean Sea -- and around U.S. Navy sentinels -- toward the bombing range in a fishing skiff.

"We have a joke," he said. "Perhaps Neil Armstrong never made it to the moon. Perhaps he was photographed on Vieques."

The green vegetation growing in the craters is not the only change on the island in 10 months. There is new construction -- if only on the smallest scale -- something not seen on military land here for more than a half century. That has troubling consequences for any attempt to resume military training -- which the Navy claims is essential to the safety of U.S. armed forces -- and has the potential to become a flash point as the future of Vieques becomes the subject of an ever-widening debate.

Protesters representing groups as diverse as teachers, organized labor, clergy and independence advocates are digging in at a half dozen encampments.

Where they once lived in tents tattered by the trade wind, the protesters -- preaching civil disobedience -- have erected sturdy wooden bunkhouses. Elsewhere, they have established wireless communications and set up a wind-powered generator. Some built a chapel and others have begun construction of a cinder-block shelter.

"We are here to stop the bombing of this island, however long that may take," said Paulino Santiago, who represents a consortium of labor unions. "If we are arrested, so be it. There are thousands of union workers in Puerto Rico waiting to replace us. They will arrive here by air or by sea or by whatever means necessary. And they will just keep coming."

Since his death, the largely unknown and apolitical Sanes has become the center of a so-far polite, if sometimes strained, showdown over the future of an undeveloped, largely unpopulated, spectacularly beautiful and fabulously valuable piece of real estate. Vieques lies within sight of the pricey resorts on the main island of Puerto Rico , as well as Culebra and the U.S. Virgin Islands.

It is a 52-square-mile twin of any of the Virgin Islands, with the same round hills and a shoreline scalloped by the same white sand beaches and deepening blues of the tropical ocean. But unlike anywhere else in the American Caribbean, the 9,300 remaining Viequenses have been forced by the Navy into a small civilian zone in the center of the island where, for years, they have heard and felt the thump of the exercises and watched the dust settle, literally, over their homes. The rest of Vieques -- about three quarters of its area -- is completely undeveloped.

The Navy claims the west end of the island as an ammunition depot and much more land in the east. Live-fire exercises have been restricted to a range on the eastern- most portion.

Sanes's death united politically fractious Puerto Ricans like no other event in recent years. Practice for war is a moral issue for the religious. It is an environmental issue to labor unionists, who claim residue from the bombing is poisoning the ground, killing fish and raising the cancer rate. To the independentistas, Vieques is an example of the evil of colonialism.

"At first, I had mixed feelings," said the Rev. Francisco Velasquez, pastor of the Aurea Luciano Presbyterian Church in the far western Puerto Rican town of Cabo Rojo. He and a half dozen Presbyterians arrived the morning of Feb. 28 by boat at a church encampment near the bombing range.

"I am pro-American," he said. "But I came here and saw the evidence of what the Navy has done. We have seen the contamination of the palms, the water, the fish. Everyone here has his own politics. But we read the Bible and that tells us what is right. And what was happening here is not right."

Velasquez and his Presbyterians planned to stay for a week, encamped on a crescent of sand just south of where the hills of Culebra loom in the Atlantic. His group replaced the Methodists, who were here the previous week, and is preparing for the Lutherans, who are scheduled to arrive this week. The same thing is happening at encampments by other groups -- teachers and fisherman and residents of the town of Valle de Lajas. They arrive by boat with supplies for a week and then are replaced by others.

Talk at the encampments invariably is of what will become of Vieques . But the atmosphere is something like that of a youth-group picnic, only for adults, as protesters arrive by small boat from hot and crowded Puerto Rican cities for a week of camping on some of the most beautiful and isolated beaches anywhere.

One man has been here for the duration. Ruben Berrios Martinez now watches over La Playa Gilberto Concepcion de Garcia, formerly the Navy's Yellow Beach, where for decades Marines staged mock amphibious assaults on a cratered neck of land littered with the carcasses of blasted jets and rusted tanks.

The protesters renamed Yellow Beach in recognition of the founder of the Puerto Rican Independence Party, which Berrios, until recently, represented as a senator in the Puerto Rican Assembly. He remains the political leader of the independence movement, a tall, bearded, white-haired icon of island politics.

For years, Berrios and his independentistas have languished in the political wilderness, capturing a paltry 4 percent of the popular vote in repeated plebiscites on Puerto Rico 's status. The rest of the vote has split evenly between statehood and continuation as a U.S. Commonwealth.

Now, the debate over the Navy's future in Vieques has put Berrios in the political ascendancy, with politicians of all stripes elsewhere in the Commonwealth scrambling to capitalize on the resonance the issue has had across the island. By virtue of his eloquence and long tenure in the independence movement, he controls the issue. Supporters arrive at his camp by boat to sit in the shade and listen to him speak.

"There is no doubt that the Puerto Rican people overwhelmingly approve of our stance in this issue, which is: Not one more bomb and the Navy has to leave Vieques ," Berrios said.

"It's a matter of how and when," he said. "How and when the Navy leaves. I'm not sure about the how and the when, but I know how it will turn out. The Navy will leave."

Nearly 30 years ago, freshly graduated from Yale University's law school, Berrios tried the same tactics on the island of Culebra, where the Navy then ran similar exercises. After five days of civil disobedience, he was arrested and imprisoned for three months.

Circumstances have changed. In 1971, Berrios was condemned by politicians who now applaud his tactics. The Cold War has since ended and an increasingly influential bloc of Puerto Rican voters along the U.S. East Coast makes it difficult for politicians to ignore Puerto Rico 's wishes.

In the run-up to Puerto Rico 's Republican presidential primary Feb. 27, local newspapers prominently reported the candidates' positions on Vieques 's future.

Sila Calderon, the Popular Democratic Party's candidate for Puerto Rico 's governor, surged in popularity after taking a hard line against the Navy. Her opponent from the New Progressive Party, Carlos Pesquera, is struggling to inherit the office from his party's incumbent, Pedro Rosello.

Rosello was widely criticized in January when he dropped his demand that the Navy leave Vieques immediately and signed a compromise with President Clinton. Under the agreement, the Navy can practice with inert ordnance for three years, and the Viequenses will vote next year whether the Navy ultimately should stay or go. A recent poll by Puerto Rico 's leading newspaper showed that 84 percent of Viequenses want the Navy out.

The outgoing Rosello has taken such a political beating that last week his mother-in-law was moved to defend him.

"You know absolutely nothing about politics," Irma Nevares told a critic in a letter to the editor of the San Juan Star. "I suggest you take a course at the University."

Pesquera, Rosello's would-be successor, is having an equally rough time. After up to 100,000 anti-Navy protesters marched in San Juan on Feb. 21 -- some observers called it the largest such rally ever in Puerto Rico -- Pesquera called for a "My Citizenship Festival" as a counterpoint. He said he wanted to show mainland Americans that Puerto Ricans are not ungrateful for citizenship and its accompanying benefits. He might have added that 21 percent of the revenue in his administration's recently proposed budget would be handed over by the federal government.

Such political antics inspire sarcasm in Berrios, who a month ago was selected by European heads of state as honorary president of the Socialist International, in part because of his position on Vieques .

Of Pesquera's pro-citizenship march, he said: "It is as if in the middle of a march in Washington for civil rights by Dr. Martin Luther King, someone would say, `Let's have a rally for the American flag.' "

Not surprisingly, Berrios sees Vieques and the reaction to the anti-Navy protest through the prism of independence. Vieques is a vestige of colonialism imposed by a country that purports to be the world champion of freedom and independence. The United States, which Berrios says is working to end British colonialism in Ireland, is entering the 21st century with a colony of it own.

He said a century of colonialism in Puerto Rico has produced a sort of political pathology, a need by the colony to appease the colonizer. It is in the Vieques compromise signed by Rosello, he said.

"It's not rational. It is a question of his politics, of his ideology," said Berrios, a student of international law, who studied at Harvard, Oxford and Georgetown Law School as well as Yale. "He thinks that to be good Americans we have to show how good we are. People who live in colonies think like that: `I have to behave well for them to consider me.' "

No one in the civil disobedience encampments is saying what will become of Vieques if the Navy is ordered out, and that is troubling for the colony of mainland retirees and winter residents who decided the island's sleepy lifestyle made the Navy's presence worth putting up with.

The mainlanders call the island government -- and to a degree, the commonwealth government in San Juan -- inefficient. They question of whether government locally can withstand an invasion by squatters and financial pressure from plutocratic developers if the Navy withdraws.

Vieques 's first luxury resort and housing development is under construction on the civilian zone's north coast. The island government just announced it is building a low income, public housing project right across the street from the soon-to-be completed, $50 million Martineau Bay Resort.

Not far away lies a deteriorating, half-finished, $10 million sports and recreation complex begun by the municipal government. The project was never completed; somehow the money ran out.

"I am not going to say what the A, B and C of the future of Vieques should be," Berrios said. "Because I don't want to establish criteria for what should happen. But we should not allow the development that has happened on other islands. There should be some economic development, but within restrictive, environmental limits."

Before any development could take place, years of environmental study and cleanup would be needed.

The question with more immediacy on Vieques is the one about what happens next. Will the protesters be hauled off the bombing range and the training resumed? Or will the federal government blink? The Navy recently canceled a training exercise scheduled for early March and moved it elsewhere.

None of the police agencies in San Juan wants to be involved in what would be widely unpopular arrests. The police of Puerto Rico say they will not be involved. The FBI hopes the U.S. Marshal Service gets the job, if it comes to that. And the marshals say the question is being studied.

One law enforcement source in San Juan said last week that plans to arrest and remove protesters would likely be shelved if it appears the response would be the arrival of thousands more protesters.

At present, Berrios believes he has the high ground in the public relations war. Nothing will happen during the electoral campaigns unfolding across the mainland and Puerto Rico because no candidate can risk antagonizing Puerto Rican voters, he said.

If the protesters remain encamped until after the presidential election, he said, there will have been no training for more than a year and a half, a de facto admission by the Navy and the Clinton administration that maneuvers on Vieques may not be essential to national security.

"If they don't bomb, we win," Berrios said. "If they arrest us, they lose."

For Berrios, Vieques is only a steppingstone to Puerto Rican independence.

"This is a metaphor, a prelude of what is going to happen in Puerto Rico as a whole soon," Berrios said. "Because the United States cannot live with a remnant of 19th-century empire like Puerto Rico . It's not being true to its history nor to its future."

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